1921 massacre[edit]
On May 30, 1921, a young African-American male and shoe shiner named Dick Rowland went to a restroom in Drexel’s Building, which was one of the few restrooms that African-Americans could have used. Sarah Page, a young white female, was currently on the elevator that Rowland was on. Next, many sources claimed that Page screamed, “RAPE” and then proceeded to run off. Page claimed that Rowland “sexually assaulted” her.
Many local news media outlets quickly published Page's story. One newspaper distributed a headline that said, “To Lynch Negro Tonight". Another headline read “Nab Negro for Attacking Girl In Elevator”. These controversial headlines sparked outrage among the white residents in the Tulsa community. As a result, a large crowd of whites marched at the Tulsa Town Hall demanding that Rowland be lynched for the allegations. Soon afterwards, a group of fifty to seventy mostly black men arrived to provide support for the sheriff in protecting Rowland from the hostile white residents. J.B. Stradford and several other influential black residents offered their support to the sheriff in protecting Rowland. After arriving, a verbal dispute broke out where a white resident threatened to take a black resident’s rifle by calling him several derogatory words[citation needed]. After the black man refused, shots were fired, and one of America’s most violent race riots emerged.
According to first-hand sources, thousands of armed white residents surrounded the Greenwood district of Tulsa and trapped the residents. Many of these angry protesters began to break into ammunition stores to secure bullets and others loaded weapons for their attacks. Law enforcement also supported the brutal attacks against the black residents by arresting several black residents during the scattered altercations around the community[citation needed]. In response to the large white mobs, the black residents began forming defense lines near the Frisco railroad lines, which served as the boundary between the segregated black and white communities in Tulsa and began to exchange fire with the organized white mobs. While this outburst of violence was occurring, Law enforcement officials had refused to halt the organized white mobs and even reportedly encouraged white residents to throw flamethrowers at the black residents[citation needed]. During the trial, one white resident claimed that a local law officer had said, “Go get a gun and go get a nigger.” Other white residents even boldly claimed that law officers had joined the angry white mob in breaking into windows and destroying property[citation needed]. Furthermore, it is also reported that the local Tulsa chapter of the National Guard had begun deploying aircraft over "Black Wall Street" and used this advantage to rain bullets on the residential houses of black residents[citation needed].
After the initial attacks, many members of the organized mob began to loot from many of the businesses and residential houses located on "Black Wall Street". After looting these properties, they destroyed the vast majority of the properties, which left the vast majority of "Black Wall Street" destroyed[citation needed].
By June 1, most of the race riot had come to an end. The vast majority of "Black Wall Street" residents were either murdered, fled from the city, or in custody by law officials[citation needed]. Because of concerns of African-Americans in surrounding communities plotting revenge and launching a counterattack, Tulsa officials required that black residents, who were still in custody, acquire a green card, which only was required if a white employer had promised to keep their employee inside. This policy continued into July as the remaining survivors of the Tulsa Race Riots were required to keep their green cards to ensure that there were no more counterattacks.[10]
Foundation of resentment[edit]
When evaluating the prosperity of "Black Wall Street", one angle to take into consideration is this perceived threat to the status quo and how this perceived threat may have eventually led "Black Wall Street" to its ultimate demise.[11] In the specific example of Greenwood, Oklahoma, this perceived economic threat led to the eventual downfall of "Black Wall Street". For instance, many white residents felt intimidated by the growth and expansion of "Black Wall Street". Not only was Greenwood, Tulsa expanding in population growth but it was also expanding its physical boundaries, which eventually collided with the boundaries of white residents. According to several newspapers and articles at the time, there were reports of hateful letters sent to prominent business leaders within "Black Wall Street", which demanded that they stop overstepping their boundaries into the white segregated portion of Tulsa.[12] Paradoxically, the economic success and prosperity of "Black Wall Street" also contributed to its eventual downfall as white residents grew increasingly frustrated and anxious of the wealth of the Greenwood community. Although White Americans enacted acts of violence against blacks frequently in the early 20th century, there was no justification until an allegation surfaced about an African-American male allegedly “assaulting” a white woman[citation needed].
Improvements[edit]
Revitalization and preservation efforts in the 1990s and 2000s resulted in tourism initiatives and memorials. John Hope Franklin Greenwood Reconciliation Park and the Greenwood Cultural Center honor the victims of the Tulsa Race Massacre, although the Greenwood Chamber of Commerce plans a larger museum to be built with participation from the National Park Service.[13]
In 2008, Tulsa announced that it sought to move the city's minor league baseball team, the Tulsa Drillers, to a new stadium, now known as ONEOK Field to be constructed in the Greenwood District. The proposed development includes a hotel, baseball stadium, and an expanded mixed-use district.[14] Along with the new stadium, there will be extra development for the city blocks that surround the stadium.
The legacy of Tulsa Race Riots[edit]
After the Tulsa Race Riots, many white residents had promised to rebuild after the massive destruction, but that did not come to fruition. Instead, many white residents attempted to profit off the destruction and exploit African-Americans by approaching them with offers to purchase their lands for extremely low prices. Some residents attempted to sue the city legally and filed insurance claims against the city government for , but all of those claims were denied by the city government. People within the African-American community after the Tulsa Race Riot rarely discussed the historical significance of Greenwood after the Tulsa Race Riots because of fear that it may occur again.
In 1997, a commission was established to examine recommendations to compensate and support the descendants of the victims of the 1921 Tulsa Race Riot. In 2001, a final report was released that highly recommended that victims’ descendants receive full reparations. Alfred Brophy, an American legal scholar, outlined four specific reasons why survivors and their descendants should receive full compensation: the damage affected African-American families, the city was culpable, and city leaders acknowledged that they had a moral responsibility to help rebuild the infrastructure after the race riot.[15]
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