New York Times
Aware of its harsh rule, the Taliban is trying to rebrand itself as capable as the U.S. finishes its withdrawal from Afghanistan. But the evidence is to the contrary.
The insurgents are pressing a ruthless, land-grabbing offensive across the country; an assassination campaign against government and security workers continues; there is little effort at peace talks; and women are being forced out of public-facing roles, and girls out of schools. There is fear that worse is on the horizon.
Back in the U.S., an unlikely coalition of veterans, many of whom have clashed bitterly over the years, supports President Biden’s decision to withdraw.
Showing posts with label Islam. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Islam. Show all posts
Tuesday, July 6, 2021
Sunday, July 4, 2021
Saturday, June 12, 2021
Muslim morons are science deniers. The evolution of human apes makes them cry.
Wikipedia
"As for claim that man has evolved from a non-human species, this is unbelief (kufr) no matter if we ascribe the process to Allah or to "nature," because it negates the truth of Adam's special creation that Allah has revealed in the Qur'an. Man is of special origin, attested to not only by revelation, but also by the divine secret within him, the capacity for ma'rifa or knowledge of the Divine that he alone of all things possesses. By his God-given nature, man stands before a door opening onto infinitude that no other creature in the universe can aspire to. Man is something else."
"As for claim that man has evolved from a non-human species, this is unbelief (kufr) no matter if we ascribe the process to Allah or to "nature," because it negates the truth of Adam's special creation that Allah has revealed in the Qur'an. Man is of special origin, attested to not only by revelation, but also by the divine secret within him, the capacity for ma'rifa or knowledge of the Divine that he alone of all things possesses. By his God-given nature, man stands before a door opening onto infinitude that no other creature in the universe can aspire to. Man is something else."
Thursday, May 27, 2021
Muslim scum are afraid of women.
Someone else wrote this comment at the New York Times:
"What I care about are the Afghani women and girls. They are already seeing the few fundamental rights they gained while the U.S. propped up the country's government quickly disappear again. Once the last U.S. troops are out, all Afghani women will once again be treated worse than farm animals, with no access to education, health care, or even a meaningful ability to walk outside their homes without being threatened by the religious police if an inch of their skin happens to show outside their burqas."
"What I care about are the Afghani women and girls. They are already seeing the few fundamental rights they gained while the U.S. propped up the country's government quickly disappear again. Once the last U.S. troops are out, all Afghani women will once again be treated worse than farm animals, with no access to education, health care, or even a meaningful ability to walk outside their homes without being threatened by the religious police if an inch of their skin happens to show outside their burqas."
Tuesday, May 18, 2021
Sunday, May 9, 2021
Cowardly Muslims like to kill women, children, and babies. I'm not making this up. Muslim scum are disgusting.
BBC News
Kabul attack: Families bury schoolchildren of blast that killed dozens.
Afghan families have been burying their children who were killed in explosions outside a secondary school in the capital, Kabul, on Saturday.
More than 60 people, mostly girls, are now known to have died in the attack that hit students as they left class.
No-one has admitted carrying out the attack in Dasht-e-Barchi, an area often hit by Sunni Islamist militants.
The Afghan government blamed Taliban militants for the attack, but the group denied involvement.
The exact target for Saturday's bloodshed is unclear. The blasts come against a backdrop of rising violence as the US looks to withdraw all its troops from Afghanistan by 11 September.
The neighbourhood in western Kabul where the blasts occurred is home to many from the Hazara minority community, who are of Mongolian and Central Asian descent and are mainly Shia Muslims.
Almost exactly a year ago, a maternity unit at the local hospital was attacked, leaving 24 women, children and babies dead.
Afghan families have been burying their children who were killed in explosions outside a secondary school in the capital, Kabul, on Saturday.
More than 60 people, mostly girls, are now known to have died in the attack that hit students as they left class.
No-one has admitted carrying out the attack in Dasht-e-Barchi, an area often hit by Sunni Islamist militants.
The Afghan government blamed Taliban militants for the attack, but the group denied involvement.
The exact target for Saturday's bloodshed is unclear. The blasts come against a backdrop of rising violence as the US looks to withdraw all its troops from Afghanistan by 11 September.
The neighbourhood in western Kabul where the blasts occurred is home to many from the Hazara minority community, who are of Mongolian and Central Asian descent and are mainly Shia Muslims.
Almost exactly a year ago, a maternity unit at the local hospital was attacked, leaving 24 women, children and babies dead.
Friday, May 7, 2021
Sunday, April 25, 2021
The Taliban are afraid of women.
The New York Times
Opinion
I Met a Taliban Leader and Lost Hope for My Country
Afghan women know the cost of the wars started by men, and we will continue to suffer after American forces withdraw.
By Farahnaz Forotan
Ms. Forotan is an Afghan journalist who fled her country after her life was threatened.
April 21, 2021
As men continue to bicker over the future and control of Afghanistan, I have already lost my home and my country. I worked in Kabul as a television journalist for 12 years, and finally left in November after threats to my life.
I know how the Taliban plan to shape the future of my country, and their vision of my country has no space for me.
For what turned out to be one of my last assignments, I traveled from Kabul to Doha, Qatar, in October to report on the negotiations between the Afghan government and the Taliban. Like many Afghans, I was somewhat hopeful that the talks might help end the long, pitiless war in our country.
In Doha, I had the opportunity to interview members of the Taliban negotiating team at the conference hall where the talks were being held. The experience reinforced my sense that postwar Afghanistan, dominated by the Taliban, was bound to be a bleak place for Afghan women.
The incident that crystallized that dreadful feeling was my interview with Suhail Shaheen, the spokesman for the Taliban. I approached Mr. Shaheen for an interview in a room full of people. Like many young women in Kabul, I do not wear a head scarf. He couldn’t hide his disdain at my presence and set about to ignore me. I didn’t budge. I refused to be invisible and continued pointing my phone camera at him while asking my questions.
Afghan women live with a sense of being invisible. In our workplaces or in meetings like this one, our voices go unheard, our existence barely registered. Our presence in any public space is celebrated as gender equality in and outside Afghanistan, but all we experience in daily life is inequality and discrimination. It filled me with rage.
My encounter with Mr. Shaheen filled me with terror. When he finally answered one of my questions, his eyes moved in every direction but mine: He examined the walls, the carpet on the floor, the chairs, the door. He couldn’t look at me, even while I stood in front of him. It was as if he saw me as an embodiment of sin and evil. I felt unsafe, even in a room full of people, thousands of miles away from Afghanistan.
The Taliban’s notions of religion, politics and governance are based on a combination of a very orthodox interpretation of Islam, Shariah and tribal values. The “Emirate” they established in Afghanistan in the 1990s, which they are now seeking to establish again, barred women and girls from most jobs and forbade us to continue our education at schools and colleges, turning us into prisoners in our homes.
The Taliban see their Islamic government as duty bound to safeguard Muslim society from corruption and moral decadence, which they blame on the presence of women in public spaces, including universities and offices. They want to reduce us to bearing children.
The wars that men started and fought in Afghanistan have disproportionately devastated the lives of women. Yet the compositions of the peace delegations from Afghanistan reveal that women are barely considered as worthy of having a say. It is this knowledge and the memory of the Taliban rule in the 1990s that make me fear for the future of Afghan women.
My pessimism proved correct. On Nov. 9, a few weeks after I returned to Kabul from Doha, I received a call informing me that my name was on “the hit list.” Several journalists and rights activists were assassinated in October. Some more were killed in November.
About 200 female journalists in Afghanistan stopped going to work, and 50 journalists, including 15 female journalists, had to leave Afghanistan. According to Nai, a nonprofit group that supports Afghan journalists, of the 1,900 female journalists who were working in the country in January 2020, about 200 had left the profession by November. After I received the call about the threat to me, I made the extremely painful decision to leave my family and my country and seek safety elsewhere.
In November, gunmen attacked Kabul University and killed at least 21 students; it was not clear who was responsible. Fear and confusion took over Kabul. All we could be certain of is that the killings of journalists and civil society activists were deliberate and organized.
The Afghan authorities are not competent to investigate and prove culpability, the Taliban have denied they are responsible for these killings, and no one knows whether “the hit list” really exists or who created it. Yet the Taliban’s enmity toward the media is no secret. In 2016, the Taliban threatened to kill Afghan journalists if they continued their “unfair coverage” of the group. They carried out their threat and killed seven journalists working for Tolo TV.
The Taliban have a long history of using assassinations to heighten the sense of insecurity among the people. The inability of the Afghan government and security forces to stop such attacks exposes their failures.
The Taliban have come close to achieving their goals through the use of force and military supremacy. After the United States concluded it couldn’t win the war in Afghanistan, even after two decades of fighting the Taliban, it entered into negotiations with them last year. That decision offered the Taliban greater legitimacy than they had ever enjoyed.
The rights and status of Afghan women, their access to education and employment, and the creation of a relatively free media have become symbols of what is possible in Afghanistan. With the United States and its allies changing the goal posts, those freedoms are now imperiled.
I believe an important factor in changing American calculations regarding Afghanistan was the failure of governance and the widespread corruption in the Afghan government, its institutions and the broader Kabul elite. Afghans need to be introspective about our own failures. We need to talk about how to avoid yet more violence and to protect the rights and dignity of all Afghan citizens, men and women.
I am now in the United States. I am safe but longing for my home, wondering about the future of my country and my family. I can’t shake off the despair and the sense that Afghanistan has been abandoned by the world. We might lose most of what we have gained in the past two decades if the Taliban return to power. The future looks bleak, but Afghanistan can’t afford to stop trying to find a better way to move forward.
Farahnaz Forotan is an Afghan journalist. This essay was translated by Aziz Hakimi from the Dari.
Follow The New York Times Opinion section on Facebook, Twitter (@NYTopinion) and Instagram.
A version of this article appears in print on April 22, 2021, Section A, Page 25 of the New York edition with the headline: I Lost Hope for Afghanistan. Order Reprints | Today’s Paper | Subscribe
Opinion
I Met a Taliban Leader and Lost Hope for My Country
Afghan women know the cost of the wars started by men, and we will continue to suffer after American forces withdraw.
By Farahnaz Forotan
Ms. Forotan is an Afghan journalist who fled her country after her life was threatened.
April 21, 2021
As men continue to bicker over the future and control of Afghanistan, I have already lost my home and my country. I worked in Kabul as a television journalist for 12 years, and finally left in November after threats to my life.
I know how the Taliban plan to shape the future of my country, and their vision of my country has no space for me.
For what turned out to be one of my last assignments, I traveled from Kabul to Doha, Qatar, in October to report on the negotiations between the Afghan government and the Taliban. Like many Afghans, I was somewhat hopeful that the talks might help end the long, pitiless war in our country.
In Doha, I had the opportunity to interview members of the Taliban negotiating team at the conference hall where the talks were being held. The experience reinforced my sense that postwar Afghanistan, dominated by the Taliban, was bound to be a bleak place for Afghan women.
The incident that crystallized that dreadful feeling was my interview with Suhail Shaheen, the spokesman for the Taliban. I approached Mr. Shaheen for an interview in a room full of people. Like many young women in Kabul, I do not wear a head scarf. He couldn’t hide his disdain at my presence and set about to ignore me. I didn’t budge. I refused to be invisible and continued pointing my phone camera at him while asking my questions.
Afghan women live with a sense of being invisible. In our workplaces or in meetings like this one, our voices go unheard, our existence barely registered. Our presence in any public space is celebrated as gender equality in and outside Afghanistan, but all we experience in daily life is inequality and discrimination. It filled me with rage.
My encounter with Mr. Shaheen filled me with terror. When he finally answered one of my questions, his eyes moved in every direction but mine: He examined the walls, the carpet on the floor, the chairs, the door. He couldn’t look at me, even while I stood in front of him. It was as if he saw me as an embodiment of sin and evil. I felt unsafe, even in a room full of people, thousands of miles away from Afghanistan.
The Taliban’s notions of religion, politics and governance are based on a combination of a very orthodox interpretation of Islam, Shariah and tribal values. The “Emirate” they established in Afghanistan in the 1990s, which they are now seeking to establish again, barred women and girls from most jobs and forbade us to continue our education at schools and colleges, turning us into prisoners in our homes.
The Taliban see their Islamic government as duty bound to safeguard Muslim society from corruption and moral decadence, which they blame on the presence of women in public spaces, including universities and offices. They want to reduce us to bearing children.
The wars that men started and fought in Afghanistan have disproportionately devastated the lives of women. Yet the compositions of the peace delegations from Afghanistan reveal that women are barely considered as worthy of having a say. It is this knowledge and the memory of the Taliban rule in the 1990s that make me fear for the future of Afghan women.
My pessimism proved correct. On Nov. 9, a few weeks after I returned to Kabul from Doha, I received a call informing me that my name was on “the hit list.” Several journalists and rights activists were assassinated in October. Some more were killed in November.
About 200 female journalists in Afghanistan stopped going to work, and 50 journalists, including 15 female journalists, had to leave Afghanistan. According to Nai, a nonprofit group that supports Afghan journalists, of the 1,900 female journalists who were working in the country in January 2020, about 200 had left the profession by November. After I received the call about the threat to me, I made the extremely painful decision to leave my family and my country and seek safety elsewhere.
In November, gunmen attacked Kabul University and killed at least 21 students; it was not clear who was responsible. Fear and confusion took over Kabul. All we could be certain of is that the killings of journalists and civil society activists were deliberate and organized.
The Afghan authorities are not competent to investigate and prove culpability, the Taliban have denied they are responsible for these killings, and no one knows whether “the hit list” really exists or who created it. Yet the Taliban’s enmity toward the media is no secret. In 2016, the Taliban threatened to kill Afghan journalists if they continued their “unfair coverage” of the group. They carried out their threat and killed seven journalists working for Tolo TV.
The Taliban have a long history of using assassinations to heighten the sense of insecurity among the people. The inability of the Afghan government and security forces to stop such attacks exposes their failures.
The Taliban have come close to achieving their goals through the use of force and military supremacy. After the United States concluded it couldn’t win the war in Afghanistan, even after two decades of fighting the Taliban, it entered into negotiations with them last year. That decision offered the Taliban greater legitimacy than they had ever enjoyed.
The rights and status of Afghan women, their access to education and employment, and the creation of a relatively free media have become symbols of what is possible in Afghanistan. With the United States and its allies changing the goal posts, those freedoms are now imperiled.
I believe an important factor in changing American calculations regarding Afghanistan was the failure of governance and the widespread corruption in the Afghan government, its institutions and the broader Kabul elite. Afghans need to be introspective about our own failures. We need to talk about how to avoid yet more violence and to protect the rights and dignity of all Afghan citizens, men and women.
I am now in the United States. I am safe but longing for my home, wondering about the future of my country and my family. I can’t shake off the despair and the sense that Afghanistan has been abandoned by the world. We might lose most of what we have gained in the past two decades if the Taliban return to power. The future looks bleak, but Afghanistan can’t afford to stop trying to find a better way to move forward.
Farahnaz Forotan is an Afghan journalist. This essay was translated by Aziz Hakimi from the Dari.
Follow The New York Times Opinion section on Facebook, Twitter (@NYTopinion) and Instagram.
A version of this article appears in print on April 22, 2021, Section A, Page 25 of the New York edition with the headline: I Lost Hope for Afghanistan. Order Reprints | Today’s Paper | Subscribe
Wednesday, April 21, 2021
Wednesday, April 14, 2021
"Afghanistan’s destiny will look like it did two decades ago.” The United States doesn't care and that's a good thing. We can't fix Muslim stupidity.
New York Times
Afghans Wonder ‘What About Us?’ as U.S. Troops Prepare to Withdraw
Many Afghans fear that without the umbrella of American protection, the country will be unable to preserve its modest gains toward democracy and women’s rights.
By Thomas Gibbons-Neff
April 14, 2021
KABUL, Afghanistan — A female high school student in Kabul, Afghanistan’s war-scarred capital, is worried that she won’t be allowed to graduate. A pomegranate farmer in Kandahar wonders if his orchards will ever be clear of Taliban land mines. A government soldier in Ghazni fears he will never stop fighting.
Three Afghans from disparate walks of life, now each asking the same question: What will become of me when the Americans leave?
President Biden on Wednesday vowed to withdraw all American troops by Sept. 11, 20 years after the first Americans arrived to drive out Al Qaeda following the 2001 terrorist attacks. “War in Afghanistan was never meant to be a multigenerational undertaking,” he said, speaking from the White House.
The American withdrawal would end the longest war in United States history, but it is also likely to be the start of another difficult chapter for Afghanistan’s people.
“I am so worried about my future. It seems so murky. If the Taliban take over, I lose my identity,” said Wahida Sadeqi, 17, an 11th grader at Pardis High School in Kabul. “It is about my existence. It is not about their withdrawal. I was born in 2004 and I have no idea what the Taliban did to women, but I know women were banned from everything.”
Uncertainty hangs over virtually every facet of life in Afghanistan. It is unclear what the future holds and if the fighting will ever stop. For two decades, American leaders have pledged peace, prosperity, democracy, the end of terrorism and rights for women. Few of those promises have materialized in vast areas of Afghanistan, but now even in the cities where real progress occurred, there is fear that everything will be lost when the Americans leave.
The Taliban, the extremist group that once controlled most of the country and continues to fight the government, insist that the elected president step down. Militias are increasing in prominence and power, and there is talk of civil war after the U.S. withdrawal.
Afghans watched with cautious optimism when Mr. Biden assumed office in January. Many had hoped he would reverse the Trump administration’s rushed pledge to withdraw all U.S. troops by May after brokering a shaky peace deal with the Taliban last year.
Afghan leaders were convinced that the new American president would be a better ally, who would not immediately withdraw the troops that have helped keep the Taliban at bay and out of major cities.
Since the Afghan government and the Taliban began peace talks in Qatar late last year, fighting between them has surged, along with civilian casualties. On Wednesday, the United Nations’ mission in Afghanistan reported that in the first three months of the year there were 573 civilians killed and 1,210 wounded, a 29 percent increase over the same period in 2020. More than 40,000 civilians have been killed since the start of the war.
Over two decades, the American mission evolved from hunting terrorists to helping the government build the institutions of a functioning government, dismantle the Taliban and empower women. But the U.S. and Afghan militaries were never able to effectively destroy the Taliban, allowing the insurgents to stage a comeback.
The Taliban never recognized Afghanistan’s democratic government. And they appear closer than ever to achieving the goal of their insurgency: to return to power and establish a government based on their extremist view of Islam.
Women would be most at risk under Taliban rule. When the group controlled Afghanistan from 1996 to 2001, it banned women from taking most jobs or receiving educations and practically made them prisoners in their own homes.
“It is too early to comment on the subject. We need to know much more,” said Fatima Gailani, an Afghan government negotiator who is involved in the continuing peace talks with the Taliban. “One thing is certain: It is about time that we learn how to rely on ourselves. Women of Afghanistan are totally different now. They are a force in our country; no one can deny them their rights or status.”
Afghanistan’s shaky democracy — propped up by billions of American dollars — has given way to an educated urban class that includes women like Ms. Gailani. Many of them were born in Afghanistan in the 1990s and came of age during the U.S. occupation of the country. Now these women are journalists, part of civil society and members of government.
In the countryside, by contrast, fighting, poverty and oppression remain regular parts of life. Despite the challenges, residents found some comfort in knowing that Afghan forces, backed by the American military, were keeping the peace at least in some areas.
Haji Abdul Samad, 52, a pomegranate farmer from the Arghandab district of Kandahar Province, has been displaced from his home for two months because of the heavy fighting there.
“I am too tired of my life. We are now in a position to beg,” Mr. Samad said. “The Americans are responsible for the troubles, hardships that we are going through. Now they are going to leave with their troops, with no peace, no progress. They just want to leave their war behind.”
Fears about the future are as palpable in the presidential palace in Kabul as they are in far-flung corners of the country. And people across Afghanistan are confused about who will soon be in charge.
The Taliban have repeatedly called for President Ashraf Ghani to step down to make way for an interim government, or most likely, their own. Mr. Ghani has refused, instead pushing for elections but also opening the door to more fighting and a potential civil war. The peace talks in Qatar have faltered and the Taliban have all but backed out of proposed talks in Turkey.
“Ghani will be increasingly isolated. Power brokers see every one of his moves as designed to keep himself and his deputies at the helm,” said Torek Farhadi, an adviser to former President Hamid Karzai. “Reality is, free and fair elections are not possible in the country amid war. In fact, it could fuel more violence.”
As American troops prepare to leave and fractures form in the Afghan government, militias controlled by powerful local warlords are once more rising to prominence and attacking government forces.
The American withdrawal will undoubtedly be a massive blow to morale for the Afghan security forces, spread across the country at hundreds of checkpoints, inside bases and along violent front lines. For years, the U.S. presence has meant that American air power, if needed, was nearby. But since the Trump administration’s deal with the Taliban, those airstrikes have become much less frequent, occurring only in the most dire of situations.
Without American military support, Afghan government troops are up against a Taliban enemy who is frequently more experienced and better equipped than the average foot soldier.
The history of Afghanistan has been one of foreign invasion and withdrawal: the British in the 19th century and the Soviets in the 20th. After each invasion, the country underwent a period of infighting and civil war.
“It is not the right time to withdraw their troops,” said Major Saifuddin Azizi, a commando commander in the southeastern province of Ghazni, where fighting has been especially brutal in recent days. “It is unreasonable, hasty and a betrayal to us. It pushes Afghanistan into another civil war. Afghanistan’s destiny will look like it did two decades ago.”
Thomas Gibbons-Neff is a correspondent in the Kabul bureau and a former Marine infantryman. @tmgneff
Afghans Wonder ‘What About Us?’ as U.S. Troops Prepare to Withdraw
Many Afghans fear that without the umbrella of American protection, the country will be unable to preserve its modest gains toward democracy and women’s rights.
By Thomas Gibbons-Neff
April 14, 2021
KABUL, Afghanistan — A female high school student in Kabul, Afghanistan’s war-scarred capital, is worried that she won’t be allowed to graduate. A pomegranate farmer in Kandahar wonders if his orchards will ever be clear of Taliban land mines. A government soldier in Ghazni fears he will never stop fighting.
Three Afghans from disparate walks of life, now each asking the same question: What will become of me when the Americans leave?
President Biden on Wednesday vowed to withdraw all American troops by Sept. 11, 20 years after the first Americans arrived to drive out Al Qaeda following the 2001 terrorist attacks. “War in Afghanistan was never meant to be a multigenerational undertaking,” he said, speaking from the White House.
The American withdrawal would end the longest war in United States history, but it is also likely to be the start of another difficult chapter for Afghanistan’s people.
“I am so worried about my future. It seems so murky. If the Taliban take over, I lose my identity,” said Wahida Sadeqi, 17, an 11th grader at Pardis High School in Kabul. “It is about my existence. It is not about their withdrawal. I was born in 2004 and I have no idea what the Taliban did to women, but I know women were banned from everything.”
Uncertainty hangs over virtually every facet of life in Afghanistan. It is unclear what the future holds and if the fighting will ever stop. For two decades, American leaders have pledged peace, prosperity, democracy, the end of terrorism and rights for women. Few of those promises have materialized in vast areas of Afghanistan, but now even in the cities where real progress occurred, there is fear that everything will be lost when the Americans leave.
The Taliban, the extremist group that once controlled most of the country and continues to fight the government, insist that the elected president step down. Militias are increasing in prominence and power, and there is talk of civil war after the U.S. withdrawal.
Afghans watched with cautious optimism when Mr. Biden assumed office in January. Many had hoped he would reverse the Trump administration’s rushed pledge to withdraw all U.S. troops by May after brokering a shaky peace deal with the Taliban last year.
Afghan leaders were convinced that the new American president would be a better ally, who would not immediately withdraw the troops that have helped keep the Taliban at bay and out of major cities.
Since the Afghan government and the Taliban began peace talks in Qatar late last year, fighting between them has surged, along with civilian casualties. On Wednesday, the United Nations’ mission in Afghanistan reported that in the first three months of the year there were 573 civilians killed and 1,210 wounded, a 29 percent increase over the same period in 2020. More than 40,000 civilians have been killed since the start of the war.
Over two decades, the American mission evolved from hunting terrorists to helping the government build the institutions of a functioning government, dismantle the Taliban and empower women. But the U.S. and Afghan militaries were never able to effectively destroy the Taliban, allowing the insurgents to stage a comeback.
The Taliban never recognized Afghanistan’s democratic government. And they appear closer than ever to achieving the goal of their insurgency: to return to power and establish a government based on their extremist view of Islam.
Women would be most at risk under Taliban rule. When the group controlled Afghanistan from 1996 to 2001, it banned women from taking most jobs or receiving educations and practically made them prisoners in their own homes.
“It is too early to comment on the subject. We need to know much more,” said Fatima Gailani, an Afghan government negotiator who is involved in the continuing peace talks with the Taliban. “One thing is certain: It is about time that we learn how to rely on ourselves. Women of Afghanistan are totally different now. They are a force in our country; no one can deny them their rights or status.”
Afghanistan’s shaky democracy — propped up by billions of American dollars — has given way to an educated urban class that includes women like Ms. Gailani. Many of them were born in Afghanistan in the 1990s and came of age during the U.S. occupation of the country. Now these women are journalists, part of civil society and members of government.
In the countryside, by contrast, fighting, poverty and oppression remain regular parts of life. Despite the challenges, residents found some comfort in knowing that Afghan forces, backed by the American military, were keeping the peace at least in some areas.
Haji Abdul Samad, 52, a pomegranate farmer from the Arghandab district of Kandahar Province, has been displaced from his home for two months because of the heavy fighting there.
“I am too tired of my life. We are now in a position to beg,” Mr. Samad said. “The Americans are responsible for the troubles, hardships that we are going through. Now they are going to leave with their troops, with no peace, no progress. They just want to leave their war behind.”
Fears about the future are as palpable in the presidential palace in Kabul as they are in far-flung corners of the country. And people across Afghanistan are confused about who will soon be in charge.
The Taliban have repeatedly called for President Ashraf Ghani to step down to make way for an interim government, or most likely, their own. Mr. Ghani has refused, instead pushing for elections but also opening the door to more fighting and a potential civil war. The peace talks in Qatar have faltered and the Taliban have all but backed out of proposed talks in Turkey.
“Ghani will be increasingly isolated. Power brokers see every one of his moves as designed to keep himself and his deputies at the helm,” said Torek Farhadi, an adviser to former President Hamid Karzai. “Reality is, free and fair elections are not possible in the country amid war. In fact, it could fuel more violence.”
As American troops prepare to leave and fractures form in the Afghan government, militias controlled by powerful local warlords are once more rising to prominence and attacking government forces.
The American withdrawal will undoubtedly be a massive blow to morale for the Afghan security forces, spread across the country at hundreds of checkpoints, inside bases and along violent front lines. For years, the U.S. presence has meant that American air power, if needed, was nearby. But since the Trump administration’s deal with the Taliban, those airstrikes have become much less frequent, occurring only in the most dire of situations.
Without American military support, Afghan government troops are up against a Taliban enemy who is frequently more experienced and better equipped than the average foot soldier.
The history of Afghanistan has been one of foreign invasion and withdrawal: the British in the 19th century and the Soviets in the 20th. After each invasion, the country underwent a period of infighting and civil war.
“It is not the right time to withdraw their troops,” said Major Saifuddin Azizi, a commando commander in the southeastern province of Ghazni, where fighting has been especially brutal in recent days. “It is unreasonable, hasty and a betrayal to us. It pushes Afghanistan into another civil war. Afghanistan’s destiny will look like it did two decades ago.”
Thomas Gibbons-Neff is a correspondent in the Kabul bureau and a former Marine infantryman. @tmgneff
Sunday, April 11, 2021
Muslims are scum. https://thereligionofpeace.com/pages/games/all-muslims-would-be-violent.aspx
| |
 If Islam were a Violent Religion Then All Muslims Would Be Violent
Most Muslims live peacefully, without harming anyone, so how can Islam be a violent religion? | |
The Truth:This argument presumes that it is valid to make assumptions about an ideology based on the behavior of adherents. However, if this were the case, then we would have to conclude that Islam is different and dangerous. True, most Muslims are not terrorists, but most terrorists are Muslim. If Islam is a religion of peace, why is it the only one that consistently produces religiously-motivated terrorist attacks each and every day of the year?Rather than answer a question with a question, let's just say that the reason most Muslims don't kill is that, regardless of what Islam may or may not teach, it's wrong to kill over religion. Most people know deep down that if God wanted people dead for not believing in Him, then He's perfectly capable of doing the job Himself. Here's a similar question with identical logic to the "If the Quran taught violence then all Muslims would be violent" argument: "If the Quran taught that a thief's hand should be cut off, then all Muslims would cut off hands."We can all agree that very few Muslims cut off hands and that a majority (perhaps) believe it is wrong to do so. If the logic were sound, then this would be proof that the Quran does not say to cut off hands. But the Quran does say this... quite explicitly, in fact: Cut off the hand of the thief, male or female, as a recompense for that which they committed, a punishment by way of example from Allah. Quran 5:38This is also the example set by Muhammad according to the Hadith (Bukhari 81:792). Yet, the vast majority of Muslims do not do this. What this means is that proof of what Islam teaches or what the Quran says is not necessarily found in what the majority of Muslims choose to do or not do. As individuals, Muslims make their own choices about which parts of their religion they practice and which parts they would rather dismiss via the guise of "context". Adherents may think or say whatever they want to about Islam, it doesn't change what Islam says about itself. As a documented ideology, Islam exists independently of anyone's opinion. As such, it may be studied objectively, apart from how anyone practices or chooses to interpret it. The Quran plainly teaches that it is not only proper to kill in the name of Allah in certain circumstances, but that it is required. Muslims who don't believe in killing over religion either do not know of Muhammad's example or tacitly prefer a moral law that is independent of it. Those who put Islam first or know Islam best will think and act differently, even if they are in the minority. Few Muslims have ever read the Quran to any extent, much less pursued an honest investigation of the actual words and deeds of Muhammad (which were more in line with hedonism, deception, power and violence than moral restraint). The harsh rules that Muslim countries impose on free speech to protect Islam from examination also prevent it from being fully understood. As Taslima Nasreen succinctly puts it, "Islam is a violent ideology. Most Muslims are not violent - because they believe Islam is not violent." In the West, many Muslims, devout or otherwise, simply prefer to believe that Islam is aligned with the Judeo-Christian principles of peace and tolerance, even if it requires filtering evidence to the contrary. They read into the Quran what they want to see. But, while most Muslims are peaceful in spite of Islam, others are dangerous because of it. It is what some of us comfortably refer to as "radicalization" - an 'affliction' that is conspicuously endemic to Islam. Purists who take Islam to heart are more likely to become terrorists than humanitarians. Those most prone to abandoning themselves to Muhammad's message without a moral filter are always the more dangerous and supremacist-minded. They may be called ‘extremists’ or ‘fundamentalists,’ but, at the end of the day, they are dedicated to the Quran and the path of Jihad as mandated by Muhammad. This explains why Islam is a constant challange that becomes harder to deal with as the number of Muslims increases. [Note: Christian apologist, David Wood, makes a compelling point about the distinction between a religious command and obedience. No Christian is perfect, he says, but this doesn't change the fact that they are told to be (Matthew 5:48).] | |
Further ReadingEnding the Myth of the Poor Terrorist (Tablet Magazine) |
Thursday, April 1, 2021
I wrote this somewhere else. It's about Muslim scum.
Here in the United States Muslims murdered 3,000 Americans in one day. They would do it again if they thought they could get away with it.
Muslims are anti-science. Evolution makes them cry.
Muslims treat women like farm animals.
Muslims like to suppress freedom of speech.
Muslims blow themselves up every day.
Muslims are anti-science. Evolution makes them cry.
Muslims treat women like farm animals.
Muslims like to suppress freedom of speech.
Muslims blow themselves up every day.
Wednesday, March 31, 2021
A teacher in the UK showed his students a picture of Fucktard Muhammad. Muslim crybabies complained because they're stupid fucking assholes. I never met a Muslim who wasn't a fucking retard.
BBC News
Batley school protests: Probe into Prophet Muhammad row
A school where a teacher showed pupils a cartoon of the Prophet Muhammad is to be the subject of an independent probe, the trust which runs it has announced.
Protests were held at Batley Grammar School in West Yorkshire after the image was used in a lesson on 22 March.
A staff member was later suspended after complaints were made.
In a statement, Batley Multi Academy Trust said the investigation would review how "the materials [which caused offense] were used".
The issue of depicting the Prophet Muhammad
Batley school protests: Probe into Prophet Muhammad row
A school where a teacher showed pupils a cartoon of the Prophet Muhammad is to be the subject of an independent probe, the trust which runs it has announced.
Protests were held at Batley Grammar School in West Yorkshire after the image was used in a lesson on 22 March.
A staff member was later suspended after complaints were made.
In a statement, Batley Multi Academy Trust said the investigation would review how "the materials [which caused offense] were used".
The issue of depicting the Prophet Muhammad
More stories from Yorkshire
The statement from the trust also said the investigation into the use of the image depicting the founder of Islam "would make recommendations in relation to the Religious Studies curriculum".
An independent panel would be appointed to start work on 12 April, with any outcomes expected by the end of May, it added.
The trust runs five schools in West Yorkshire.
The school's head teacher Gary Kibble previously apologised "unequivocally" for the caricature being shown, adding that the member of staff had "given their most sincere apologies" and been suspended pending an investigation.
Demonstrators gathered outside the school on Thursday and Friday.
Some had demanded the teacher's sacking and accused the school of failing to take the issue seriously.
One of the protesters, a local resident who gave his name as Abdullah and who said he was not a parent but had relatives at the school, said the cartoon had offended "the whole Muslim community".
A petition has been set up calling for the school to reinstate the teacher.
Related Topics
Sunday, March 28, 2021
Two Muslim morons blew themselves up to kill Catholics. Everyone wins when both Muslims and Catholics drop dead.
ASIA
Indonesia Church Bombing Wounds 20 On Palm Sunday
March 28, 2021
A police officer stands guard outside the Sacred Heart of Jesus Cathedral in Makassar, Indonesia, on Sunday. Two suicide bombers attacked the Roman Catholic compound, injuring at least 20 people.
Two suicide bombers attacked a Roman Catholic church compound in Makassar, Indonesia, on Sunday morning, injuring at least 20 people, according to state officials. While no deaths among the churchgoers have been reported, police say both attackers died in the blast.
The attack happened at the Sacred Heart of Jesus Cathedral around 10:30 a.m., as a round of mass was wrapping up at the church. The bombers attempted to enter the church compound on motorbike and detonated at least one bomb by an entrance to the compound, according to news reports.
Indonesian President Joko Widodo condemned the attack as an "act of terrorism," and said he had ordered the police "to thoroughly investigate the perpetrators' networks and tear down the networks to their roots."
The attacks happened on Palm Sunday, the beginning of the Holy Week leading up to Easter. In a televised address, Joko called on people to remain calm and said "the state guarantees the safety of religious people to worship without fear."
Religious Affairs Minister Yaqut Cholil Qoumas encouraged police to improve security at places of worship. "Whatever the motive is, this attack cannot be justified by any religion because it only does harm to other people," he said.
Indonesia is the world's largest Muslim-majority country, home to around 13% of the world's Muslim population. In recent years, it has been challenged by rising religious extremism.
No organization has claimed responsibility for Sunday's attack. Authorities are investigating possible ties between the bombers and radical networks, national police spokesman Argo Yuwono said, according to Reuters.
In 2018, a series of coordinated suicide bombings targeting churches and a police post in the port city of Surabaya killed dozens of people. Police blamed the attacks on the ISIS-affiliated group Jamaah Ansharut Daulah.
Indonesia
Indonesia Church Bombing Wounds 20 On Palm Sunday
March 28, 2021
A police officer stands guard outside the Sacred Heart of Jesus Cathedral in Makassar, Indonesia, on Sunday. Two suicide bombers attacked the Roman Catholic compound, injuring at least 20 people.
Two suicide bombers attacked a Roman Catholic church compound in Makassar, Indonesia, on Sunday morning, injuring at least 20 people, according to state officials. While no deaths among the churchgoers have been reported, police say both attackers died in the blast.
The attack happened at the Sacred Heart of Jesus Cathedral around 10:30 a.m., as a round of mass was wrapping up at the church. The bombers attempted to enter the church compound on motorbike and detonated at least one bomb by an entrance to the compound, according to news reports.
Indonesian President Joko Widodo condemned the attack as an "act of terrorism," and said he had ordered the police "to thoroughly investigate the perpetrators' networks and tear down the networks to their roots."
The attacks happened on Palm Sunday, the beginning of the Holy Week leading up to Easter. In a televised address, Joko called on people to remain calm and said "the state guarantees the safety of religious people to worship without fear."
Religious Affairs Minister Yaqut Cholil Qoumas encouraged police to improve security at places of worship. "Whatever the motive is, this attack cannot be justified by any religion because it only does harm to other people," he said.
Indonesia is the world's largest Muslim-majority country, home to around 13% of the world's Muslim population. In recent years, it has been challenged by rising religious extremism.
No organization has claimed responsibility for Sunday's attack. Authorities are investigating possible ties between the bombers and radical networks, national police spokesman Argo Yuwono said, according to Reuters.
In 2018, a series of coordinated suicide bombings targeting churches and a police post in the port city of Surabaya killed dozens of people. Police blamed the attacks on the ISIS-affiliated group Jamaah Ansharut Daulah.
Indonesia
Friday, March 26, 2021
Afghanistan will always be a shithole country. We have been wasting our money and American lives for 20 years and we have accomplished nothing.
New York Times
BREAKING NEWS |
An intelligence report said the Taliban are poised to take power in Afghanistan. Officials are using it to urge President Biden not to withdraw troops. |
Friday, March 26, 2021 4:42 PM EST |
As President Biden signaled this week that he would let a May 1 deadline pass without withdrawing American troops from Afghanistan, some officials are using an intelligence assessment to argue for prolonging the military mission there. American intelligence agencies have told the Biden administration that if U.S. troops leave before a power-sharing settlement is reached between the Taliban and the Afghan government, the country could fall largely under the control of the Taliban within two or three years after the withdrawal of international forces. |
Thursday, March 25, 2021
An interesting fact: Ahmad Al Aliwi Alissa is a Muslim moron. The stupid fucking asshole who murdered 10 people did it for Allah. Muslims are scum. The United States should never let these Muslim subhumans enter this country.
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Monday, February 8, 2021
An ex-muslim wrote this stuff about Islam.
I'd just like to reconfirm that Islam carries with it a strong culture of encouraging martyrdom.
Those who die for the cause of Islam are supposedly given the highest ranks in heaven and get more "heavenly benefits" than others. In Islam, there is not just hell and heaven: heaven and hell are separated into ranks depending on how good/bad you were in life. The highest ranks are given to prophets (e.g. Muhammed) and martyrs. The Quran is littered with references and warnings reminding you to work hard and make sure you get into the best rank since there is no going back once you die.
Therefore, this sort of teaching brings forth the mentality that since heaven is eternal and you can never go back and change it, you have to use every opportunity to score as many points as you can. (This, incidentally, leads to a very high rate of anxiety and obsessive patterns in Muslims, and OCD is unfortunately very common amongst Muslims.)
Also, it means that if you have an opportunity to become a "martyr" you should logically take it.
Now, this is where things get particularly ugly because there are always people who are either corrupt or extremist, and they use "martyrdom" as a tool to convince Muslims to do things that most sensible people would refuse to do.
For example, in the Iran-Iraq war, young boys as young as 14 years old were recruited by the thousand in the Iranian army. They were told that this is a holy war, and therefore dying in this war gives you eternal heaven. So teenagers dropped out of high school to volunteer for the army. They were often guided over minefields --- they were asked to clear minefields by simply walking over the mines and killing themselves. 40,000 young people died this way in 1 night just to clear a path to 1 city.
The same ideas work for suicide bombers. In fact, in the native language they are not called suicide bombers, they are called "martyrdom-seekers".
So, in summary, Islam inflicts upon its followers a number of mindsets which make them easy to manipulate into doing stupid things.
Unfortunately, Islam also comes with a number of safeguards to prevent common sense from taking over. For example, Muslims are taught from a very young age that they are not allowed to question Islam or even think about the idea that the teachings of slam are not God's word. I was told that you're not allowed to even listen to somebody questioning Islam. So it kind of traps you within a number of mindsets that disallow most people from seeing beyond. It takes a lot of willpower and courage to go against all of that and start to think freely -- it took me years to finally break free from it.
I grew up in the middle east in a Muslim family, and managed, over time, to free myself from the teachings of Islam and understand that it's all wrong. Unfortunately, that means I can never go back home.
Those who die for the cause of Islam are supposedly given the highest ranks in heaven and get more "heavenly benefits" than others. In Islam, there is not just hell and heaven: heaven and hell are separated into ranks depending on how good/bad you were in life. The highest ranks are given to prophets (e.g. Muhammed) and martyrs. The Quran is littered with references and warnings reminding you to work hard and make sure you get into the best rank since there is no going back once you die.
Therefore, this sort of teaching brings forth the mentality that since heaven is eternal and you can never go back and change it, you have to use every opportunity to score as many points as you can. (This, incidentally, leads to a very high rate of anxiety and obsessive patterns in Muslims, and OCD is unfortunately very common amongst Muslims.)
Also, it means that if you have an opportunity to become a "martyr" you should logically take it.
Now, this is where things get particularly ugly because there are always people who are either corrupt or extremist, and they use "martyrdom" as a tool to convince Muslims to do things that most sensible people would refuse to do.
For example, in the Iran-Iraq war, young boys as young as 14 years old were recruited by the thousand in the Iranian army. They were told that this is a holy war, and therefore dying in this war gives you eternal heaven. So teenagers dropped out of high school to volunteer for the army. They were often guided over minefields --- they were asked to clear minefields by simply walking over the mines and killing themselves. 40,000 young people died this way in 1 night just to clear a path to 1 city.
The same ideas work for suicide bombers. In fact, in the native language they are not called suicide bombers, they are called "martyrdom-seekers".
So, in summary, Islam inflicts upon its followers a number of mindsets which make them easy to manipulate into doing stupid things.
Unfortunately, Islam also comes with a number of safeguards to prevent common sense from taking over. For example, Muslims are taught from a very young age that they are not allowed to question Islam or even think about the idea that the teachings of slam are not God's word. I was told that you're not allowed to even listen to somebody questioning Islam. So it kind of traps you within a number of mindsets that disallow most people from seeing beyond. It takes a lot of willpower and courage to go against all of that and start to think freely -- it took me years to finally break free from it.
I grew up in the middle east in a Muslim family, and managed, over time, to free myself from the teachings of Islam and understand that it's all wrong. Unfortunately, that means I can never go back home.
Thursday, January 21, 2021
Human evolution makes Muslim morons cry. If Muslims weren't so fucking stupid they would throw out Islam.
Wikipedia
Rana Dajani, a university professor who teaches evolution in Jordan, wrote that almost all of her students are hostile to the idea of evolution, at the beginning of the class, but by the end of the class, the majority accept the idea of evolution (except when it comes to humans).
Rana Dajani, a university professor who teaches evolution in Jordan, wrote that almost all of her students are hostile to the idea of evolution, at the beginning of the class, but by the end of the class, the majority accept the idea of evolution (except when it comes to humans).
Saturday, January 16, 2021
This is something I wrote somewhere else. It's about what two moronic religious cults have in common.
"How are Islam and Christianity alike?"
Both religions require a Magic Man. They both require magical miracles. They both have a problem with evolution by natural selection. They both have a cowardly belief in a magical 2nd life.
The most important thing is they both require extreme stupidity.
Both religions require a Magic Man. They both require magical miracles. They both have a problem with evolution by natural selection. They both have a cowardly belief in a magical 2nd life.
The most important thing is they both require extreme stupidity.
Saturday, January 2, 2021
Muslims are scum. They need to be wiped off this planet.
The Washington Post
Taliban carrying out campaign of terror in Afghan capital ahead of peace talks next week
In a video, five turbaned fighters stand in a row, wearing flak jackets and sneakers, assault rifles at the ready. One declares in Pashto that God hates those "who stray from religion" and "cling to a worldly life," and obliges the faithful to wage jihad, even if they must face prison or death, to establish the "law of the Koran" on Earth.
Taliban carrying out campaign of terror in Afghan capital ahead of peace talks next week
In a video, five turbaned fighters stand in a row, wearing flak jackets and sneakers, assault rifles at the ready. One declares in Pashto that God hates those "who stray from religion" and "cling to a worldly life," and obliges the faithful to wage jihad, even if they must face prison or death, to establish the "law of the Koran" on Earth.
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